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Full text of "Poland Russia and Great Britain 1941-1945"

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right hand; nor was their left hand reaching out beyond Budapest in the
south., threatening an advance into the very heart of Austria. Nor had
Rome been occupied, nor the Appenines pierced,
" In those days, the Poles might well have had some show of reason in
asking whether the great Allies would have the power, even if they were so
minded, to deliver the new territories to Poland which were to compensate
her for what she was giving up in the East., but the situation has changed
vastly in favour of the Allies, and it seems to be extremely unlikely, that.,
after the spring and summer campaigns have been fought—if it be necessary
to go so far in the business, and we shall go whatever distance is necessary
to complete our object—it seerns extremely unlikely that the evil and hateful
forces in Germany, who plotted, planned and began this war., will have the
power to resist the decisions of a peace or armistice conference, at which
the principal victorious Powers will be assembled. The prospect of final
victory have, in the time that has passed since these matters were first
discussed at Teheran, become for the Allies solid and spacious. Therefore,
as I say, it has always been said by the Poles, when I have been discussing
the matter wtih them here, * We know what we have to give up ; what cer-
tainty have we of receiving compensation in other quarters ? * They have
much more certainty of it now than at this time last year. In fact, I cannot
see any doubt whatever that the Great Powers, if they agree, can effect the
transference of population.
" I find great difficulty in discussing these matters, because the attitude
of the United States has not been defined with the precision which His
Majesty's Government have thought it wise to use. The friendship of the
United States Government for Poland, no less than our own> the large
mass of Poles who have made their homes in the United States, and are., or
are becoming^ American citizens, the constitutional difficulties of the United
States in making treaties and foreign agreements of every kind—all these
have not enabled the Government of that great nation to speak in the terms
which I have thought it my duty, with the assent of my colleagues, to use in
this House. We know, however, that the Government and peoples of the
United States have set their hearts upon a world organisation to prevent the
outbreak of future wars, and that this world organisation will be fatally
ruptured by a quarrel between any of the three most powerful Empires
which compose the Grand Alliance of the United Nations. The President
is aware of everything that has passed and of all that is in the minds both of
the Russians and of the British. He had, at Moscow, in Mr. Averell
Harriman, the U.S. Ambassador, a most accomplished representative, who
in the capacity of observer, was present at all, or nearly all, of our Polish talks
on the occasion of our last visit. The President has, therefore, been kept
fully informed, not only by His Majesty's Government, but also by his own
highly competent and distinguished representatives, and by all the many
sources and channels that are open to the unceasing vigilance of the State
Department.
" I am particularly careful not even to pretend to speak in the name of
any other Power unless so directed beforehand, and I hope the House will
make allowances for the care with which I pick my words upon this point.
All I can say is that I have received no formal disagreement in all these long
months upon the way in which the future of Poland seems to be shaping
itself—or is being shaped—but no doubt when the time comes, the United
States will make their own pronouncement on these matters, bearing in
mind, as they will, the practical aspect which they assume and also that
failure on the part of the three greatest Powers to work together would
damage all our hopes for a future structure, a world government which,
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